LARGE-SCALE migration of people from country to country or across continents is not new. America was a nation created by immigrants as was Britain in much earlier times, which, in common with other countries, also later provided a safe haven for refugees like the Huguenots in the 17th century and for threatened Jewish communities fleeing Nazi Germany in the 1930s. This was followed by the settlement in Britain of large numbers of immigrants from Commonwealth countries from the 1950s onwards who were legally entitled to enter and stay.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which was adopted by the United Nations in 1948, provided for the right of people to seek asylum from persecution in other countries. Crises like the mass expulsion of Asians from Uganda by then-president Idi Amin in 1972, and the displaced Vietnamese boat people in the 1970s, tested the system; but, otherwise, controlled immigration, within established criteria and conditions, of relatively limited numbers of refugees and asylum-seekers was generally accepted.

The current migration crisis affecting Europe is another matter altogether. Since 2015, record numbers of people – a mix of refugee asylum-seekers and economic migrants from sub-Saharan Africa, Afghanistan, Syria and other parts of the Middle East – have crossed into Europe.

It is estimated that this year alone up to 230,000 refugees will make the perilous journey across the Mediterranean from North Africa to Italy and with many likely to lose their lives. It appears that the risks are acceptable to those who have lost hope. Others have taken the overland road through Turkey. Most are escaping from war, instability and persecution and seek protection from other countries, though additional motivating factors appear to be population growth, climate change and desertification as well as famine in countries like Somalia and Sudan.

Described as an exodus of biblical proportions and the largest mass displacement of people since the Second World War, it is feared that this flow of migrants will continue to grow inexorably. It may become impossible to stop without immediate firm action by the European Union (EU); for example, to control the numbers by working with Libya’s coastguard to prevent, in particular, the activities of human traffickers at source.

It seems that Italy is bearing the brunt of this record influx which it can no longer handle beyond initially offering humanitarian assistance. It has asked for cooperation in relocating refugees across the EU, but some central European countries have rejected this with the result that the ongoing crisis is producing tensions which may threaten the bloc’s unity.

It remains to be seen whether Italy will carry out its threat to issue to thousands of migrants temporary EU visas which will enable them to travel north legally under the Schengen arrangements. Reportedly, the favoured destinations are Germany, thanks to Chancellor Merkel’s open door immigration policy, Sweden and Britain, though the latter’s borders remain closed.

While observing this crisis unfold, we are reminded of the continuing problem here at home in relation to illegal immigration from Haiti. By all accounts, the Defence Force has been successful in intercepting boats carrying Haitian migrants heading towards The Bahamas. Last week, its officers took into custody sixty people who had landed from a Haitian sloop on Ragged Island and earlier this month sixty-nine Haitians were detained in a separate incident.

But, even if the overall numbers are relatively low, they are nonetheless proportionately significant given The Bahamas’ small population. Moreover, the problem may become worse as Haiti’s political and economic problems persist and its population of more than 10 million becomes increasingly desperate.

We have faith in the effectiveness of the RBDF under the excellent direction of its newly-confirmed Commodore, Tellis Bethel. But we hear on the grapevine that some of the patrol vessels supplied at considerable expense recently by the Netherlands have broken down. Given the need to cover such a vast area of sea around, in particular, the southern islands of the Bahamian archipelago, it would be reassuring to know that the RBDF’s boats were functioning properly. It would also be helpful, in the spirit of the new government’s transparency and accountability, to be told more about the potential threat posed by Haitian illegal immigration, which could become seriously damaging in so many ways if left uncontrolled. The public needs to know that both the policy-makers and the RBDF itself have a proper handle on the problem.

Meanwhile, it has been heartening to learn that the Prime Minister wishes to move away from the current practice of the Cabinet acting as the Immigration Board. This seems to be a hangover from a paternalistic pre-Independence way of doing business and has become anachronistic. It is clearly not a proper function of government ministers, who should be focusing on major policy issues, to become immersed in the details of citizenship and residency applications.

The executive branch of government must determine the country’s immigration policy and draw up rules and guidelines which should be advertised. These should be interpreted and implemented by an independent board. All concerned ought to be able to rely on such a board to be free of political bias and to make fair, reasonable and objective decisions in accordance with the published policy.

We look forward to further news about establishment of an Immigration Board which we believe will receive overwhelming public support.