**You wrote: “screw the people that positively impact the Bahamian economy.” That is pure propaganda language, broad, emotional, and deliberately vague, because the moment you get specific, the argument collapses.**

So let’s get specific. Who are these “people”? The ones who benefit from Bahamian stability, Bahamian protection, Bahamian waters, Bahamian infrastructure, Bahamian emergency response, and Bahamian environmental management, then rage when the bill comes due?

Because this is what your comment actually says: “Keep The Bahamas cheap, keep it lenient, keep it easy to exploit, and don’t you dare enforce rules that inconvenience us.” Then you call the country “stupid” for exercising sovereignty.

No. The damage was not caused by fees. The damage is caused by decades of outsiders acting like The Bahamas must compete by discounting itself, discounting its waters, discounting its rules, discounting its dignity. A serious country does not run on begging and appeasement. It runs on enforcement, fair pricing, and respect for jurisdiction.

So I will ask you again, clearly: **who are these “life-giving people”? Name them. And if your answer is “the ones who leave when they can’t get special treatment,”** then congratulations, you just described exactly why the Bahamas must regulate harder, not softer. @Chester @sovereignty @dont_backdown @Bahamas

The core point is simple: Bahamian households are paying up to **$18 per pound** for seafood, in our own country, while visiting vessels can pay a small, renewable permit fee ($100-$300) and then remove hundreds and thousands of pounds of value from the same waters. That is not “tourism”; it is extraction dressed up as leisure. A flat permit structure might look harmless on paper, but in practice it rewards capacity: the larger the boat, the more range, storage, and poundage it can take, yet the fee remains trivial compared to the market value of what is being removed. The end result is predictable: locals pay premium prices, while outsiders enjoy discounted access to the resource and leave Bahamians to carry the scarcity, the monitoring burden, and the long-term depletion risk.

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So when a figure like Peter advocates that boaters should “not come” because The Bahamas is tightening controls, I do not treat that as principled advocacy. I treat it as pressure to keep Bahamian waters cheap and easy to work. If your business model depends on minimal fees, minimal visibility, and minimal accountability, then the problem is not Bahamian policy, the problem is the model. Bahamians are not obligated to subsidize anyone’s private seafood supply chain while we pay up to $18 per pound at home.
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'Watch da road'. @Chester.

**Again, be careful about the motivation driving the advocacy.**

In 2017, the Khaled bin Sultan Living Oceans Foundation pushed public attention onto a problem that The Bahamas cannot afford to ignore: a material share of fishing pressure is routinely hidden behind “tourism” and “recreational” cover stories, while the economic upside is extracted and the ecological cost is left behind. Dr. Nicola Smith’s catch-reconstruction work demonstrated that what is officially reported can understate what is actually being taken—driven heavily by tourism demand and non-traditional channels that do not show up cleanly in standard reporting. (c) Pew Charitable Trusts

Now apply that reality to what many Bahamians see on the water: so-called “charter” operations and visiting vessels that clear as pleasure craft or tourist excursions, but behave like commercial operators—running repeated trips, landing volume, and feeding supply chains that are not transparent to the public. This is not hypothetical. Bahamian reporting in 2025 describes illegal charter fishing as “much larger than people think,” and documents arrests and vessel seizures tied to illegal commercial fishing and charter operations. (c) The Tribune

That is why visibility requirements matter. If a foreign vessel is over 50 feet, The Bahamas requires AIS to remain active at all times while in Bahamian waters, and non-compliance triggers penalties.

**The Islands of The Bahamas**

When people claim AIS is “the problem,” and then choose not to come, or choose to operate in ways that avoid tracking, do not treat that as an innocent inconvenience. Treat it as a signal: some activity depends on low visibility, weak monitoring, and the ability to work the gaps in enforcement.

The Bahamas is not obligated to subsidize that behaviour with its reefs, fisheries, and sovereignty.

Documentary reference (Vimeo link you can share):

https://vimeo.com/250664113

'Watch da road'. @Chester.

**A Message For All Who Say "we can go somewhere else" - I say Go!, But before you go, make sure you do your maths:**

Fuel Cost Comparison (Mid-Size Yacht Benchmark)

Assume a 55–65 ft motor yacht, average burn 60–80 gallons/hour at cruise.

**Bahamas (Miami → Bimini round trip)**

Time: ~4 hours total

Fuel burned: ~240–320 gallons

Fuel cost (@ $5.50/gal): $1,300–$1,760

**US Virgin Islands (Miami → St. Thomas one way)**

Time: ~44 hours

Fuel burned: ~2,600–3,500 gallons

Fuel cost: $14,300–$19,250 (one way)

This is not close. The fuel delta alone dwarfs any Bahamas permit fee.

**A nation that cannot regulate, monitor, and fairly charge for the use of its territory, land or sea, is not exercising sovereignty; it is surrendering it.**

The FDCC and AIS requirements represent a rational, internationally aligned step toward protecting Bahamian interests while continuing to welcome legitimate visitors who respect the jurisdiction they enjoy. Regulation is not exclusion. It is the lawful assertion of control over national space, resources, and responsibility.

Those who benefit most from The Bahamas should, at a minimum, contribute to its protection, management, and sustainability. For decades, this balance has been skewed against the Bahamian people. Our goodwill, geography, and restraint have too often been treated as entitlements rather than privileges.

We have been repeatedly leveraged and sidelined by powerful external and internal actors alike. Some Residence of and exclusive residential enclaves, in the west, operate as though national rules are optional. The cruise industry extracts billions in value while resisting proportional contribution. Foreign aviation authorities dictate airspace behavior that affects Bahamian sovereignty. International shipping uses Bahamian waters as a free shortcut to feed the United States and Europe, imposing environmental and security risks without commensurate compensation.

Our seas are among the most productive fishing grounds in the Atlantic, yet species such as Atlantic mackerel and yellowfin tuna are harvested to supply global markets with limited benefit returning to the country whose ecosystem sustains them. Marine exploration proceeds under the banner of “research,” while value, scientific, commercial, and pharmaceutical, is exported abroad. Even sand theft and seabed exploitation persist as under-enforced realities.

A current example underscores the stakes. Rare Bahamian marine sediments yielded the discovery of Bahamaolide A, a complex polyketide molecule with potential applications in treating disease and infection. The breakthrough, published after five years of intensive research, demonstrates that The Bahamas is not merely a backdrop for global science, but a source of irreplaceable biological and chemical value. Yet without firm regulatory control, such discoveries risk becoming another chapter in the long history of extraction without equitable return.

This is the broader context in which maritime fees, AIS monitoring, and structured access must be understood. These measures are not punitive, reactionary, or anti-visitor. They are corrective. They reflect a nation moving, belatedly but necessarily, from passive tolerance to active stewardship.

Sovereignty is not rhetoric. It is exercised through law, enforcement, data, and fair contribution. Any party that genuinely respects The Bahamas must also respect its right to govern, protect, and benefit from what is indisputably its own.

**A nation that cannot regulate, monitor, and fairly charge for the use of its territory, land or sea, is not exercising sovereignty; it is surrendering it.**

The FDCC and AIS requirements represent a rational, internationally aligned step toward protecting Bahamian interests while continuing to welcome legitimate visitors who respect the jurisdiction they enjoy. Regulation is not exclusion. It is the lawful assertion of control over national space, resources, and responsibility.

Those who benefit most from The Bahamas should, at a minimum, contribute to its protection, management, and sustainability. For decades, this balance has been skewed against the Bahamian people. Our goodwill, geography, and restraint have too often been treated as entitlements rather than privileges.

We have been repeatedly leveraged and sidelined by powerful external and internal actors alike. Some Residence of and exclusive residential enclaves, in the west, operate as though national rules are optional. The cruise industry extracts billions in value while resisting proportional contribution. Foreign aviation authorities dictate airspace behavior that affects Bahamian sovereignty. International shipping uses Bahamian waters as a free shortcut to feed the United States and Europe, imposing environmental and security risks without commensurate compensation.

Our seas are among the most productive fishing grounds in the Atlantic, yet species such as Atlantic mackerel and yellowfin tuna are harvested to supply global markets with limited benefit returning to the country whose ecosystem sustains them. Marine exploration proceeds under the banner of “research,” while value, scientific, commercial, and pharmaceutical, is exported abroad. Even sand theft and seabed exploitation persist as under-enforced realities.

A current example underscores the stakes. Rare Bahamian marine sediments yielded the discovery of Bahamaolide A, a complex polyketide molecule with potential applications in treating disease and infection. The breakthrough, published after five years of intensive research, demonstrates that The Bahamas is not merely a backdrop for global science, but a source of irreplaceable biological and chemical value. Yet without firm regulatory control, such discoveries risk becoming another chapter in the long history of extraction without equitable return.

This is the broader context in which maritime fees, AIS monitoring, and structured access must be understood. These measures are not punitive, reactionary, or anti-visitor. They are corrective. They reflect a nation moving, belatedly but necessarily, from passive tolerance to active stewardship.

Sovereignty is not rhetoric. It is exercised through law, enforcement, data, and fair contribution. Any party that genuinely respects The Bahamas must also respect its right to govern, protect, and benefit from what is indisputably its own.

Here is what Peter Maury is not saying:

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AIS (Automated Identification System) Is Now Required - Everywhere

The biggest universal change? All vessels above 50 ft must have their AIS (Automated Identification System) on at all times while in Bahamian waters. That includes when you’re docked, underway, or just passing through. Miss this requirement and you could be looking at a $1,000 fine. So, double-check that your AIS is installed, working, and transmitting before you enter Bahamian territory. Owners without AIS equipment will have to retrofit vessels to comply.

Cruise the Bahamas Often? The New FDCC Might Be for You
Regulation 89B has been inserted into the principal regulations in the new bill, stating that the comptroller may issue a Frequent Digital Cruising Card (FDCC) when an application is submitted and processed under regulations 90, 91(3), (5) and (6), 91B and 92. Think of it as a fast pass for pleasure vessels. Once approved, the FDCC allows unlimited entries over a two-year period. You’ll still need to report to Customs on arrival, but you’ll be issued a Pleasure Craft Request (PCR) number to streamline future visits.

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FDCC Fees (valid for 2 years from issuance date):

* Boats not exceeding 50 feet: $1,500
* Boats exceeding 50 feet but not exceeding 100 feet: $2,500
* Exceeding 100 feet: $8,000

This does not cover payable custom fees such as Attendance & Travel Expenses or overtime and travel with regard to the attendance of an Immigration Officer.

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*** Fuel Cost Comparison (Mid-Size Yacht Benchmark) ***

Assume a 55–65 ft motor yacht, average burn 60–80 gallons/hour at cruise.

Bahamas (Miami → Bimini round trip)

Time: ~4 hours total

Fuel burned: ~240–320 gallons

Fuel cost (@ $5.50/gal): $1,300–$1,760

US Virgin Islands (Miami → St. Thomas one way)

Time: ~44 hours

Fuel burned: ~2,600–3,500 gallons

Fuel cost: $14,300–$19,250 (one way)

This is not close. The fuel delta alone dwarfs any Bahamas permit fee.

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People like Peter Maury came up in the '80s drug running days' so a AIS (Automated Identification System) would be see as "cumbersome regulatory processes" - so Chester should be mindful of what is motivating Peter's advocacy. ;)

*Watch Da Road*

…a classic moron’s remark, uninformed, shallow, and parroting clichés without the slightest grasp of Chinese history, governance, or the distinctions between a government apparatus and an entire people. Your generalisation exposes your intellectual limits ... do better, man.

..."ChiComs" - offensive, and disparaging slang - and it's not your first time using this 'insensitive' reference to the Chinese People.

…yes, just another example of a wandering soul, the poet who fancied himself a leader, the writer who imagined he could command a crowd, yet never mastered the weight of his own shadow. He dreamed of thrones but tripped over truths, rehearsed greatness but could never live it. A legend in his diary… and nowhere else.